忠 诚 的 反 对 党（5）
And finally our government must change its punitive attitude towards both big and little business。 Regulations there must be。 We； of the opposition； have consistently remended that； but the day of witchhunting must be over。 If this Administration has the unity of America within its heart； and I assume it has； it must consider； without prejudice； and with an open mind； such remendations of the opposition。 National unity can only be achieved by recognizing and giving serious weight to the viewpoint of the Opposition。 Such a policy can e only from the Administration itself。 It will be from the suppression of the Opposition that discord and disunity will arise； the Administration has the ultimate power to force us apart； or to bind us together。
And now a word about the most important； the immediate task that confronts this nation。 On this； all Americans are at one purpose； there is no disagreement among us about the defense of America。 We stand united behind the defense program； but here particularly as a minority party our role is an important one。 It is to be constantly watchful； to see that American is effectively safeguarded and that the vast expenditure of funds which we have voted for that purpose is not wasted。 And in so far as I have the privilege to speak for you； I express once more the hope that we have to maintain the dream of freedom in Britain and elsewhere by supplying those defenders with materials and equipment。 This should be done to the limit of our ability but with due regard to our own defense。 On this point； I think I can say without boast； that never in the history of American Presidential campaigns has a candidate gone further than I did in attempting to create a united front。 However； I believe that all things should be given by constitutional methods and with the approval； accord and ratification of Congress。 Only thus can the people determine from time to time； the course they wish to take and the hazards they wish to run。
Mr。 Roosevelt and I both promise the peop1e in the course of the campaign that if we were elected； we would keep this country out of war unless attacked。 Mr。 Roosevelt was reelected； and this solemn pledge for him； I know will be fulfi1led； and I know the American people desire him to keep it sacred。
Since November 5； I have received thousands and thousands of letters； as a matter of fact； tens of thousands of them； I have personally read a great portion of these messages。 I am profoundly touched。 They e from all parts of our country and from all kinds of people。 They e from Catholics and Protestants； Jews and Christians； colored people and white people。 They e from workers and farmers and clerks and businessmen； men and women of all the occupations that make up our American life。 All of these letters and telegrams； almost without exception； urge that the cause that we have been fighting for be carried on。 In your enthusiasm for our cause； you founded thousands of organizations； they are your own organizations； financed by you and directed by you。 It is very appropriate for you to continue them if you feel so inclined。 I hope you do continue them。 It is not； however； appropriate to continue these organizations in my name。 I do not want this great cause to be weakened by even a semblance of any personal advantage to any individual。 I feel too deeply about it for that。 1944 will take care of itself。 电子书 分享网站
忠 诚 的 反 对 党（6）
It is of the very essence of my belief that democracy is fruitful of leadership。 I want to see all of us dedicate ourselves to the principles for which we fought。 My fight for those principles has just begun； I shall advocate them in the future as ardently and as confidently as I have in the past。 As Woodrow Wilson once said；“I would rather lose in the cause that I know someday would triumph than to triumph in a cause that I know someday would fail。”
Whatever I may undertake in the ing years； I shou1d be working shoulder to shoulder with you for the defense of our free way of life； for the better understanding of our economic system； and for the development of that new America whose vision lies within everyone of us。 Meanwhile； let us be proud； let us be happy in the fight that we have made。 We have brought our cause to the attention of the world。 Millions have weled it。 As time goes on； millions more will find in it the hope that they are looking for。 We can go on from here with the words of Abraham Lincoln in our hearts： With malice toward none；with charity for all；with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the ；to bind up the nation's wounds；to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations。
Good night and God bless and keep everyone of you！
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炉 边 谈 话
＇美国＇富兰克林·罗斯福
富兰克林·罗斯福（1882
—1945年），美国第32任总统，民主党人。著名的资产阶级政治家，出生于纽约。生前颇孚众望，成为美国历史上惟一连任四届的总统。二次世界大战中，他执行反对德、意、日法西斯的侵略扩张的外交路线，引导美国加入了反法西斯阵营。他随之也成为该阵营的重要领袖之一。1945年4月，他因脑溢血而与世长辞。《炉边谈话》是他在第二次世界大战中通过广播向国民发表的家常式讲话，也是他最为著名的演讲。
我的朋友：
这次炉边谈话的内容不是关于战争，而是关于国家安全保障，因为你们的总统所有目的的核心，就是想让你们，你们的孩子，你们的子孙后代，不需要再通过拼死抵抗来维护美国的独立，以及美国的独立赋予你我、我们大家的一切。
今晚，面对着世界危机的来临，我的思绪回到了8年前国内危机中期的一个夜晚。当时，美国工业的车轮完全停滞了，我们国家的整个银行系统停止了运转。
我记得很清楚，当我坐在白宫的书房里，准备向合众国人民演讲的时候，我眼前浮现出他们所有人的样子。我看到制造厂、矿井和工厂里的工人们；我看见柜台后的女招待；我看见小商店老板；我看到春耕的农民；我还看到担心着自己毕生积蓄的寡妇和老人们。
我努力让无数的美国人民明白，银行危机对他们的日常生活来说意味着什么。
今晚，在美国面临这场新危机的时候，我想对同样的人们做同样的一件事。
1933年，我们以勇气和现实的精神迎接了那一场危机；今天，我们以同样的勇气和现实精神来迎接这一场新的危机。
自美利坚文明在詹姆斯敦和普利茅斯岩诞生以来，我们还未遭遇过像今天这么严峻的危机。
因为在1940年9月27日——就是今年——两个欧洲强国和一个亚洲强国在柏林签署了和约。它们勾结起来威胁我们：如果美国干预或阻止这三个国家旨在控制全世界的扩张行动，它们最终将针对美国采取联合行动。
德国的纳粹头目们的野心已经昭然于世。他们不仅企图征服他们本国人民的思想和生命，还企图奴役整个欧洲，然后利用欧洲的资源来征服世界其他地方。
仅在三周前，他们的头子宣称：“世界上有两个势如水火的阵营。”然后在回答对手时，他挑衅地叫嚣道：“如果有人说‘有这伙人在，我们就永不得安宁’，那他说对了。我们可以摧毁世界上任何异己的力量。”纳粹头子就是这么说的。
换句话说，轴心国不只是承认，他们还公开声明，在他们的政治哲学和我们的政治哲学之间永无调和的可能。
就这个不可否认的威胁的性质而言，我们可以明确果断地宣布：只要这些侵略国一天不明确表示放弃统治或征服世界的全部企图，美国就一天没有权利也没有理由提倡和平谈判。
此时，那些与生活在和平之中的所有人民为敌而结盟的国家的军队，已经被赶离我们的海岸；在大西洋的另一端，德国人和意大利人被英国人、希腊人，还有成千上万从沦陷国中逃出的士兵和水手们所拦截。在亚洲，在另一个伟大的�
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